Today, when theology itself has come to grief, the most unfree fact of German history, our status quo, will be shattered against philosophy. As philosophy finds its material weapon in the proletariat, so the proletariat finds its spiritual weapon in philosophy. For, it is not the naturally arising poor but the artificially impoverished, not the human masses mechanically oppressed by the gravity of society, but the masses resulting from the drastic dissolution of society, mainly of the middle estate, that form the proletariat, although, as is easily understood, the naturally arising poor and the Christian-Germanic serfs gradually join its ranks. On the eve of the Reformation, official Germany was the most unconditional slave of Rome. Written: December 1843-January 1844; It no longer assumes the quality of an end-in-itself, but only of a means. That this eclecticism will reach a so far unprecedented height is guaranteed in particular by the political-aesthetic gourmanderie of a German king [Frederick William IV] who intended to play all the roles of monarchy, whether feudal or democratic, if not in the person of the people, at least in his own person, and if not for the people, at least for himself. The following exposition [a full-scale critical study of Hegel’s Philosophy of Right was supposed to follow this introduction] – a contribution to this undertaking – concerns itself not directly with the original but with a copy, with the Every sphere of German society must be shown as the partie honteuse of German society: these petrified relations must be forced to dance by singing their own tune to them! Good-natured enthusiasts, Germanomaniacs by extraction and free-thinkers by reflexion, on the contrary, seek our history of freedom beyond our history in the ancient Teutonic forests. For the storming of this emancipatory position, and hence for the political exploitation of all sections of society in the interests of its own section, revolutionary energy and spiritual self-feeling alone are not sufficient. The profane existence of error is compromised as soon as its heavenly oratio pro aris et focis [“speech for the altars and hearths,” i.e., for God and country] has been refuted. They are below the level of history, they are beneath any criticism, but they are still an object of criticism like the criminal who is below the level of humanity but still an object for the executioner. The actual pressure must be made more pressing by adding to it consciousness of pressure, the shame must be made more shameful by publicizing it. [Karl Marx; Joseph J O'Malley] -- This book is a complete translation of Marx's critical commentary on paragraphs 261-313 of Hegel's major work in political theory. Germany was their theoretical conscience. Critique of Hegel’s Philosophy of Right Written: 184 3-4 4 Source: Marx’s Critique of Hegel's Philosophy of Right (1843). For Germany’s revolutionary past is theoretical, it is the Reformation. The criticism of religion disillusions man, so that he will think, act, and fashion his reality like a man who has discarded his illusions and regained his senses, so that he will move around himself as his own true Sun. People are, therefore, beginning in Germany to acknowledge the sovereignty of monopoly on the inside through lending it sovereignty on the outside. Get this from a library! It is asked: can Germany attain a practice à la hauteur des principes – i.e., a revolution which will raise it not only to the official level of modern nations, but to the height of humanity which will be the near future of those nations? The parson and the landlord: Religion and capitalism in The Communist Manifesto and Karl Marx's "Contribution to The Critique of Hegel's Philosophy of Right" Douglas E. Cowan Studies in Religion/Sciences Religieuses 1990 19 : 4 , 459-469 Hence, the higher nobility is struggling against the monarchy, the bureaucrat against the nobility, and the bourgeois against them all, while the proletariat is already beginning to find itself struggling against the bourgeoisie. This cheerful historical destiny is what we vindicate for the political authorities of Germany. No more has any estate the breadth of soul that identifies itself, even for a moment, with the soul of the nation, the geniality that inspires material might to political violence, or that revolutionary daring which flings at the adversary the defiant words: I am nothing but I must be everything. Owing to the limitation of its outlook, it does not include philosophy in the circle of German reality or it even fancies it is beneath German practice and the theories that serve it. Critical towards its counterpart, it was uncritical towards itself when, proceeding from the premises of philosophy, it either stopped at the results given by philosophy or passed off demands and results from somewhere else as immediate demands and results of philosophy – although these, provided they are justified, can be obtained only by the negation of philosophy up to the present, of philosophy as such. In what form is this problem beginning to engage the attention of the Germans? Hegel's philosophical work was an attempt to summarise the essence of the entire history of philosophy, and for him that meant an entire history. We are philosophical contemporaries of the present without being its historical contemporaries. 오류의, 제단과 화덕 앞에서의 천국적 기도祈禱가 논박당한 후에 그 오류의 세속적 실존이 논박에 내맡겨져 있다. , possessed this emancipation is philosophy, its essential work is denunciation freedom, on the day of internment! An end-in-itself, but only of a means reviews from the world of man into,. 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